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第28章

2. We may remember the armed forays of gildsmen to hund down those who ventured to work surrepititiously at crafts in the country districts (Bonhausen, as they were called in low German), the innumerable military expeditions, sieges and devastations of towns, caused by mutual trade jealousy, as well as the destruction of suburbs for the same reason, such as must be laid to the charge of Danzig in 1520, 1566, and 1734, and of Magdeburg during the Thirty Years' War.

3. 1484: Riedel, Cod. dipl. brandenb. ii, 5, 417. 1501; ib. ii, 6, 177.

4. Ib. ii. 5, 305.

5. Ib. ii. 5, 302.

6. Ib. iii. 3. 248 and ii. 6, 258.

7. Ib. i. 23, 426 and ii. 6, 346.

8. Ib. iii, 387.

9. Oelrich, Beitrage sur brandenburgischen Geschichte, 265.

10. Berl. St. Archiv. R. 78, 29, Fol. 62.

11. Riedel, i. 23, 224.

12. ib. i, 11, 118.

13. Acts of the Prussian Assembly of Estates (Standetag), I, 160, 605, 655, et al.

14. Resolution of the local assembly (Landtagsabschied) of 1536and 1540; Mylius vi, I, 36, 59.

15. See on this point the instructive essay of H. Reimann, The Scots in Pomerania in the 16th and 17th centuries,and their conflict with the gilds, Aeitschr. f. preuss. Gesch. iii.

597-613.

16. Riedel, i, 12, 380.

17. See on this point my remarks in the Zeitschr. f. preuss.

Gesch. xix, 207-221.

18. Thiede, Chronik der Stadt Stettin, 464.

19. Magdeburg Archives.

20. Mylius, Riedel and Scheplitz, Consuetudines Electoratus et Marchia Brand. (1617), have a pretty extensive collection of material on this subject.

21. Die Wirthschaftspolitik der Florentiner Renaissance (1878).

22. Dis Agrat-, Alpen- und Forstverfassung der deutschen Schweriz in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwicklung (1878).

23. Baader, Nurnberger Polissiverordnungen, 201.

24. Jager, Schwab, Stadtewesen, 728.

25. Schmoller, Die Strassburger Tucher- und Webersunft (1879), 506.

26. The state archives in Berlin contain a rich material which Ihave already worked up into a connected statement.

27. The idea that territorial connection involved free traffic within the land was present as early as 1451; as we may see from a document of that year, given in Reidel i, 20, 206, which sought to regulate the future addition of Beeskow and Storkow to Brandenburg mainly from an economic point of view, and in that direction of ******* of trade between the electorate and these "circles."28. Besides the book of Puckert on the currency of Saxony from 1518 to 1545, there is really no usefule literature. B. Kohne, Das Munswesen der Stadt Berlin, in Fidicin, Histor, diplom, Beitrage sur Geschichte der Stadt Berlin, iii. 429 et seq., is as unsatisfactory as Leitzmann's Wegweisser auf dem Gebiete der deutschen Munshunde (1869). Besides these, Grote, Mone, Hegel, and others give us a good deal of information, but nothing that seizes the economic significance of the currency of the 14th to 16th centuries as a municipal, a territorial, and an imperial institution. On Brandenburg much has been published, by Mylius, Riedel and Raumer, but not all, by any means, that is contained in the Berlin archives.

29. For Brandenburg, cf. Schmoller, Die Epochen der preussischen Finanz-politik in the Jahrb. f. Gesetag, N.F. i, 33-114. Ahistory of the direct taxes of Bavaria up to 1800, by L. Hoffman, appears in my Forschungen, iv, 5.

30. Zeitschrift fur preussische Geschichte und landeskunde, xix.

198-207.

31. Isaacsohn, Die Finansen Joachims II und das standische Kreditwerk in Zeitschr. f. preuss. Gesch. xiv. 455. I have myself brought together a mass of material concerning the brewing business and its taxation.

32. This is the main point in Bidermann's instructive lecture Ueber den Merhantilismus, Innsbruck, 1870.

33. Cf. the essay by Dr von Heyking, Zur Geschichte der Handelsbilanz-theorie, 1880.

34. Cf. the instructive little paper of H. Meinberg (suggested by some remarks of T.G. Droysen) on Das Gleichgewichtsystem Wilhelms III und die englishce Handelspolitik, Berlin, 1869.

The End

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